David Horowitz - Wikipedia. David Joel Horowitz (born January 1. American conservative writer. He is a founder and current president of the think tank the David Horowitz Freedom Center; editor of the Center's publication, Front. Page Magazine; and director of Discover the Networks, a website that tracks individuals and groups on the political left. Horowitz also founded the organization Students for Academic Freedom.

Horowitz has written several books with author Peter Collier, including four on prominent 2. American political families that had members elected to the presidency. He and Collier have collaborated on books about current cultural criticism. Horowitz has also worked as a columnist for Salon. Its then- editor Joan Walsh described him as a "conservative provocateur".[2]From 1. Horowitz was an outspoken adherent of the New Left.

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He later rejected liberal and progressive ideas completely and has since become a proponent of conservatism. Horowitz has recounted his ideological journey in a series of retrospective books, culminating with his 1. Radical Son: A Generational Odyssey.

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Family background[edit]Horowitz is the son of Phil and Blanche Horowitz, who were high school teachers. His father taught English and his mother taught stenography.[3] During years of labor organizing and the Great Depression, Phil and Blanche Horowitz were long- standing members of the American Communist Party and strong supporters of Joseph Stalin.

They left the party after Khrushchev published his report in 1. Stalin committed" and terrorism of the Soviet populations.[4][5]According to Horowitz: Underneath the ordinary surfaces of their lives, my parents and their friends thought of themselves as secret agents.

The mission they had undertaken, and about which they could not speak freely except with each other, was not just an idea to them. It was more important to their sense of themselves than anything else they did. Nor were its tasks of a kind they could attend or ignore, depending on their moods.

They were more like the obligations of a religious faith. Except that their faith was secular, and the millennium they awaited was being instituted, at that moment, in the very country that had become America's enemy. It was this fact that made their ordinary lives precarious and their secrecy necessary. If they lived under a cloud of suspicion, it was the result of more than just their political passions. The dropping of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima had created a terror in the minds of ordinary people. Newspapers reported on American spy rings working to steal atomic secrets for the Soviet state.

When people read these stories, they inevitably thought of progressives like us. And so did we ourselves. Even if we never encountered a Soviet agent or engaged in a single illegal act, each of us knew that our commitment to socialism implied the obligation to commit treason, too.[6]After the death of Stalin in 1. Phil Horowitz, commenting on how Stalin's numerous official titles had to be divided among his successors, told his son, "You see what a genius Stalin was.

It took five men to replace him."[7] According to Horowitz: The publication of the Khrushchev Report was probably the greatest blow struck against the Soviet Empire during the Cold War] When my parents and their friends opened the morning Times and read its text, their world collapsed—and along with it their will to struggle. If the document was true, almost everything they had said and believed was false. Their secret mission had led them into waters so deep that its tide had overwhelmed them, taking with it the very meaning of their lives.[8]Horowitz received a BA from Columbia University in 1.

English, and a master's degree in English literature at University of California, Berkeley.[9]Career with the New Left[edit]After completing his graduate degree in the late 1. Horowitz lived in London and worked for the Bertrand Russell Peace Foundation.[1. He identified as a serious Marxist intellectual.

In 1. 96. 6, Ralph Schoenman persuaded Bertrand Russell to convene a war crimes tribunal to judge United States involvement in the Vietnam War.[1. Horowitz would write three decades later that he had political reservations about the tribunal and did not take part. He described the tribunal's judges as formidable, world- famous and radical, including Isaac Deutscher, Jean- Paul Sartre, Stokely Carmichael, Simone de Beauvoir, James Baldwin, and Vladimir Dedijer.[1. While in London, Horowitz became a close friend of Deutscher, and wrote a biography of him which was published in 1. Horowitz wrote The Free World Colossus: A Critique of American Foreign Policy in the Cold War. In January 1. 96. Horowitz returned to the United States, where he became co- editor of the New Left magazine Ramparts, based in northern California.[1.

During the early 1. Horowitz developed a close friendship with Huey P. Newton, founder of the Black Panther Party. Horowitz later portrayed Newton as equal parts gangster, terrorist, intellectual, and media celebrity.[1. As part of their work together, Horowitz helped raise money for, and assisted the Panthers with, the running of a school for poor children in Oakland. He recommended that Newton hire Betty Van Patter as bookkeeper; she was then working for Ramparts.

In December 1. 97. Van Patter's body was found floating in San Francisco Harbor; she had been murdered. Horowitz has said he believes the Panthers were behind the killing.[1. In 1. 97. 6, Horowitz was a "founding sponsor" of James Weinstein's magazine In These Times.[1. Writing on the Right[edit]Following this period, Horowitz rejected Karl Marx and socialism, but kept quiet about his changing politics for nearly a decade. In early 1. 98. 5, Horowitz and longtime collaborator Peter Collier, who also became a political conservative, wrote an article for The Washington Post Magazine entitled "Lefties for Reagan", later retitled as "Goodbye to All That". The article explained their change of views and recent decision to vote for a second term for Republican President Ronald Reagan.[1.

In 1. 98. 6, Horowitz published "Why I Am No Longer a Leftist" in The Village Voice.[2. Watch Faults Online Iflix. In 1. 98. 7, Horowitz co- hosted a "Second Thoughts Conference" in Washington, D.

C., described by Sidney Blumenthal in The Washington Post as his "coming out" as a conservative. According to attendee Alexander Cockburn, Horowitz related how his Stalinist parents had not permitted him or his sister to watch the popular Doris Day and Rock Hudson movies of his youth. Instead, they watched propaganda films from the Soviet Union.[2. In May 1. 98. 9, Horowitz, Ronald Radosh, and Peter Collier travelled to Poland for a conference in Kraków calling for the end of Communism.[2.

After marching with Polish dissidents in an anti- regime protest, Horowitz spoke about his changing thoughts and why he believed that socialism could not create their future. He said his dream was for the people of Poland to be free.[2. In 1. 99. 2, Horowitz and Collier founded Heterodoxy, a monthly magazine focused on exposing what it described as excessive political correctness on United States college and university campuses. It was "meant to have the feel of a samizdat publication inside the gulag of the PC [politically correct] university". The tabloid was directed at university students, whom Horowitz viewed as being indoctrinated by the entrenched Left in American academia.[2. He has maintained his assault on the political left to the present day, writing in his memoir, Radical Son, that universities were no longer effective in presenting both sides of political arguments. He stated that "left- wing professors" had created "political terror" on campuses.[2.

In a column in Salon[2] he described his opposition to reparations for slavery, stating it represented racism against blacks, as it defined them only in terms of having descended from slaves.